Introduction

Judaism has been sexually segregated and male-oriented since the Second Temple.1 Most non-Orthodox Jewish communities have reformed many of the rules that kept the sexes segregated and have allowed women to participate more fully in the public realm of Judaism, although the extent of participation varies from one community to the next. Women are no longer required to sit in designated women's sections of the synagogue, some may study Torah and other scriptures extensively, and a few have even been ordained as rabbis. Orthodox Judaism, however, strictly maintains its traditional attitudes regarding distinctions between women and men. Susan Starr Sered described these attitudes as such:

Traditional Judaism addresses the deity in the masculine gender, teaches that God's message was conveyed primarily through men such as Abraham and Moses, bestows the privilege of leadership (rabbinate and priesthood) upon men, and has traditionally excluded women from such central areas of religious expression as study and vocal participation in the synagogue. It places prohibitions upon menstruating and postpartum women and discriminates against women in matters of inheritance. Men write the prayers and make the laws. [Sered, 15]

Given this male orientation, one is forced to wonder if it is even possible for Orthodox women to express and experience their religion. When Judaism is discussed in Orthodox teachings invariably it is the male role that is under discussion. Judaism becomes, in many books and articles, "what the men do". Identification of the stereotypical Jew as a male Jew is seen both in outside studies of Judaism and in the attitudes of many Jews themselves both male and female.

Even a female authority like Rabbanit Zohara uses the male model, almost to the point of ludicrousness, because, Sered feels, she chooses to identify herself with the brand of Judaism that defines maleness as normative and femaleness as 'Other'" (Sered 65). Even books on Judaism written from a feminist perspective, like Evelyn Kaye's The Hole in the Sheet, identify Jewish rituals exclusively with "what the men do." They bemoan the fact that women are excluded from participating in Judaism while simultaneously overlooking and degrading the role that Orthodox women do play.

There is another Jewish tradition aside from the male tradition. There is a parallel female tradition within the male framework that differs from, although is usually compatible with, the dominant male system. This paper is an attempt at uncovering this "hidden" female tradition in Orthodox Judaism. Non-Orthodox communities allow women to participate much more in public rituals, and I suspect that in such communities this underlying female tradition has been diluted, although it probably has not been erased altogether. However, in communities where sexual segregation is strong, this hidden tradition of women may be the only way women fully experience their own religion.

For coherence I have organized this paper into three parts. Section one will examine the extent and nature of sexual segregation in Orthodox Jewish communities. The second section will look at the rituals that women participate in which are specifically listed in the Torah. The third part will attempt to find religious meaning and ritual in the daily domestic tasks of women. Thus I hope to bring the "hidden" religious life of the Orthodox woman out into the open.

Section One

Sexual segregation is an integral part of Orthodox Jewish life. Samuel C. Heilman writes: " . . . segregation is one of the symbolic absolutes in a shul [synagogue] which defines itself as Orthodox. The scope and nature of this sexual segregation, however, goes beyond moments of prayer" (Heilman, 69). He goes so far as to state that sexual segregation is part of the means by which Orthodox groups identify themselves as Orthodox. The further away a community gets from Orthodoxy, the more lenient its attitudes towards sexual segregation. All aspects of life and worship are compartmentalized into "what men do" and "what women do." The segregation can be seen in two main categories: doctrinal division of religious rituals, and spatial division of places of worship.

Most of the ritual differences stem from a single doctrine, the "time imperative exemption" (to use Blu Greenbergâs term). The exemption is simple: "Any commandment that one must perform actively within a given time limit . . . is not binding upon women" (Greenberg, 82). However, the doctrine's implications are vast. Most Jewish rituals are tied to a specific time of day, week, month, or year. Women are in practice exempt from many religious rituals that have designated times.2 Because exemption often translates into exclusion women in effect become totally barred from participation.

Orthodox Jewish communities are also to a very large extent spatially segregated: the physical locus of men's worship differs from women's. The main prayer area of a synagogue is divided into male and female sections, with the women's section behind the men's and separated by a mechitza, a partition. "This kind of separation is mandatory for any synagogue which wishes to call itself 'Orthodox.' While various synagogues differ as to the form or height of the mechitza and the nature of the separation, . . . none allows for mixed seating by sex" (Heilman, 28)3. The women's section is frequently on a balcony or at the back of the room, and the mechitza often impedes the view of the service, which always takes place in the men's section.

Although the synagogues have designated sections for women they are really male-dominated. The Torah scrolls and other holy objects are kept in the men's section. Women usually attend synagogue once on Sabbath and once on holy days; devout men attend the synagogue one to three times a day. The synagogue is the physical center for male worship, socializing, and often study as well.

But while men control activities in the synagogue, the women reign in the home: " . . . it is and has always been in the Jewish home, where woman reigns supreme, that Jews are made and nurtured" (Heilman, 72). The physical center of religion for women is the home.

Thus, both religious rituals and locations of religious worship are strictly segregated in Orthodox Judaism. The segregation, however, does not imply that only men have religious duties -- rather, it makes their rituals more visible and public. Heilman states that " . . . men and women approach divine otherness in separate and different ways" but emphasizes that both "approach divine otherness" and participate in Jewish worship (71). Heilman never discusses exactly what this female form of worship is; Sered claims that "[because] Middle Eastern Jewish culture (like most Jewish, Islamic, and Hindu cultures) is not only sexually segregated but also male-dominated, women necessarily know more about, and participate more actively in, the male model of religion than men do in the female model" (Sered, 9). Because Orthodox Judaism is male-dominated, and the manâs sphere of religion is public while the women's locus is in the home, the women's tradition often becomes invisible.

However, the very segregation that hides womenâs worship allows them to create their own forms of devotion. Sered writes that ". . . women have traditionally had the autonomy to develop their own, usually complementary, sometimes parallel, occasionally conflicting religious world" (Sered, 80). Men pay little attention to the rituals of women, so they are often allowed to find means of worship that are not officially sanctioned by the rabbis.

Section Two

Some of women's rituals are in fact sanctioned, even required, by the mainstream tradition. Judaism is replete with commandments, both positive ("thou shalt") and negative ("thou shalt not"). While many of these duties apply to both men and women (mostly the negative commandments -- see Ghatan, p. 85, for further discussion), women have been specifically exempted from 14 of the positive commandments, most due to the time imperative exemption. There are only three positive commandments that are performed specifically by women; two could be performed equally by women or men but the duty has traditionally fallen to the woman; one of the three can be performed only by women.

The first of these duties is the kindling of the Sabbath candles. Both men and women are obligated to light Sabbath candles, but because "the woman is the one who is more commonly found at home attending to household affairs, she is privileged to perform this duty" (Ghatan, 103). The husband fulfills his obligation to this commandment through his wife - she performs this ritual for the both of them.

The second female duty is the taking of challah. This ritual involves making a symbolic offering to the priests by breaking off the first part of the dough used in baking and burning it in a fire or in the oven. The fulfillment of this commandment was specifically given to women because of their roles as homemakers ö it ensures that they are usually the ones to bake the bread, thus, they must ensure that it is ritually treated.

The third obligation of women is fulfillment of the laws of niddah. These laws involve the ritual purity during and after menstruation. Men and women cannot have intercourse during a woman's menstruation and for seven days afterwards. At the end of this seven-day period, before sexual relations can be re-established, a woman must visit the mikvah where she participates in a ritual purification by immersing herself in water and reciting prayers.

This ritual has recently come under intense condemnation by feminists and others because it seems to imply that women are spiritually "dirtied" by menstruation. Throughout history, especially during the medieval period, the rabbis explicitly stressed the "unclean" nature of a woman during her menstruation, writing such absurdities as: "The glance of a menstruous woman poisons the air. . . . She is like a viper who kills with her glance" (Nahmanides, quoted in Greenberg, 115). The laws of niddah have at times been taken to such extremes as to require women and men to sleep in separate beds during this time and to refrain from all physical contact whatsoever, lest woman's "impurity" be communicated to others.

Both H. E. Yedidiah Ghatan and Greenberg defend the laws of niddah and mikvah. The negative connotations often connected with menstruation are unwarranted they believe. The niddah laws can actually hold benefits both for women and their husbands.

Greenberg first argues against the word "clean" as it is used in Leviticus where the laws of niddah are listed (15:19-30). She maintains that the Hebrew word, levanim , is more correctly translated as "whites," referring to "the white garments that women were required to wear during those seven days in order to facilitate the search for stains" (Greenberg 108). In this interpretation, Leviticus does not refer to seven clean days, which would imply that the menstruation itself is unclean, but rather to seven white days. This interpretation removes any basis for judging menstruation as unclean.

Greenberg continues that the mikvah is an excellent place for a woman to affirm her Judaism. "It is unique to women; it makes a statement about woman as Jew; it builds human character. Thus we need not rationalize what has been wrong with mikvah but rather affirm what has been right . . ." (Greenberg 120). The mikvah is one of the few places where a woman can be close to God. It is one of the few rituals that is, strictly speaking, her own. It provides a unique opportunity for a woman to experience and reflect on her own religion.

Ghatan emphasizes the effect that niddah laws have on couples. This period of separation, she argues, strengthens the family structure and prevents marital discord. By maintaining a period of abstinence each month the couple is reminded "not to treat each other as sexual objects or simply as a means of gratification" (Ghatan 163). The niddah breaks the monotony of a long-lasting relationship, and reaffirms the relationship between a woman and her husband.

Section Three

Both men and women in Judaism are expected to marry, but for a woman, marriage and motherhood alone define her role in society. The woman is expected to focus her time and energy on raising the children and running the household. The daunting female domestic responsibilities are often cited as the explanation for the time imperative exemption. Women cannot participate in rituals that must occur at a specific time because it could interfere with their domestic duties.

But in a unique inversion, instead of being prevented from religious participation, these daily domestic tasks become sacred. Domestic life provides ritualistic outlets in two very specific ways. First, the household chores like cooking and cleaning become acts of worship and religious devotion. Second, women's role as caretaker is often extended into a spiritual realm.

Cooking is a very important and time-consuming task for any caretaker, yet it becomes especially difficult for the mother in an Orthodox Jewish family, due largely to the complex laws of kashrut. The women are responsible for making sure the entire family eats only kosher meals. This is part of their duty as guardians of the household. Kashrut laws not only make food preparation more involved; more importantly, they link food preparation intricately with religion. Sorting dishes, planning meals, salting meat -- the preparation of every meal becomes a religious ritual because the work is done to fulfill God's laws.

The Jewish holiday of Passover provides a unique opportunity for domestic religious ritual. Exodus 12:15 forbids the consumption of leavened bread during Passover. "In later Jewish sources, this is interpreted to include use of any of the five recognized types of grain, except the use of wheat to bake matzah [unleavened bread]" (Sered, 80). Observant Jews not only refrain from eating these grains, but they use a special set of cooking and eating utensils to prepare Passover meals, and they scrupulously clean their kitchens to remove any traces of crumbs or grains that might violate Passover requirements.

Many women surpass even these expectations, though. Both Kaye and Sered describe the detailed cleaning that occurs during the month before Passover. Much of the cleaning is not, strictly speaking, required by the Passover laws. When Sered asked a rabbi why he did not teach the women which duties were necessary and which (like cleaning windows) were not, he answered that "even his own wife ignores what he says and performs the superfluous cleaning" (Sered, 81). This extra cleaning is a socially established way for woman to demonstrate her piety and dedication to her religion; "spring cleaning" becomes an act of devotion.

During Passover rice is essential to a Sephardic Jerusalem community Sered interviewed. In order to ensure that no forbidden grains had slipped in the women sorted through the rice, grain by grain, seven times. Again, these women were purposely exceeding the Passover requirements. They sorted the rice seven times "because they believe that this is a form of worship" (Sered, 82). They did it seven times because of the "magical" qualities of the number, and the women equated the sorting with rituals such as prayer.

The particular meals that are to be served during Passover, on Sabbath, and during other religious holidays, as well as the various rituals and regulations associated with each occasion, link food preparation and the upkeep of a household even more solidly with religion.

Caretaking is also an important role of Orthodox Jewish women. Raising children and caring for the elderly take much of their time, and these too are considered religious rituals. Child- rearing prepares the next generation of Jews, passing on the traditions; care of the elderly care is a family duty as well as an act of charity. However, the role of caretaker is also extended into a spiritual realm. Women view prayer as an opportunity to petition God for the health and well-being of loved ones. They light candles and donate to charities to pray for help for a particular family member. Elderly women in particular who no longer have direct caretaking responsibilities, often expand this role to convey the spiritual needs of their descendants. Because of their age they are considered to be closer to God, and often act as a "go-betweens", petitioning God, their ancestors, and holy rabbis to care for their descendants and other members of the community. They care for the tombs of their dead ancestors and may provide "gifts" such as "new curtains to cover the tomb, flowers, candles, and ... money for the upkeep of the tomb" (Sered, 21).

Conclusion

I have attempted to demonstrate that although men indeed control the public realm of Orthodox Judaism, women are not prohibited from participating in religious ritual. In fact, if we view her domestic chores as expressions of religious devotion the life of an Orthodox woman is filled with worship and ceremony. Because the nature of this ritual is domestic and takes place mainly in the home, the ritual life of women is private. Thus, many times this rich "hidden" ritual life is overlooked not only by the non-Orthodox but by the very women who women who participate in it. Yet the hidden nature of the women's religious world makes it no less meaningful than the public nature of their husbands' world.

Endnotes

1 The best documentation I could find on the "official" beginning of sexual segregation refers to the separation of the sexes in religious buildings, which first occurred in the Second Temple (5th century BCE). The "women's court" or ezrat nashim was originally used by both men and women. It received its name only because ". . . the women usually remained in the outer court instead of praying in the innermost parts of the sanctuary" and not because women were officially restricted to this section (Mann, 18).

2 H.E. Yedidiah Ghatan lists ten time-bound commandments that are equally required of men and women: six can be found in the Talmud, the other four were enacted by the rabbis (Ghatan 86). Ghatan also reviews the commandments that women are specifically excluded from, and discusses justification and implications of most of them.

3 Non-Orthodox synagogues for the most part have eliminated sexually segregated seating.

4 The biblical quotes contained in this section were taken from The New Jerusalem Bible published by Doubleday.

References

Ghatan, H. E. Yedidiah. The Invaluable Pearl: The Unique Status of Women in Judaism. New York: Bloch Publishing Company, 1986.

Greenberg, Blu. On Women & Judaism: A View from Tradition. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1981.

Heilman, Samuel C. Synagogue Life: A Study in Symbolic Interaction. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1976.

Kaye, Evelyn. The Hole in the Sheet: A Modern Woman Looks at Orthodox and Hasidic Judaism. Secaucus: Lyle Stuart Inc., 1987.

Kurzweil, Zvi. The Modern Impulse of Traditional Judaism. Hoboken: Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1985.

Mann, Denese Berg. The Woman in Judaism. Hartford: Jonathan Publications, 1979.

Sered, Susan Starr. Women as Ritual Experts: The Religious Lives of Elderly Jewish Women in Jerusalem. New York: Oxford UP, 1992.

Biography:

Lisa Keele is a Philosophy graduate student at Indiana University Bloomington. She specializes in logic and the philosophy of logic, and also has a deep interest in gender issues, feminism, and the daily lives of women cross-culturally and through history.