1. The date of this document can be set between 19 Edward I (1290-91), when a decision was made to amend the Old Domesday of 2 John (1200-01), and the time it was written down in the early fourteenth century (Black Book of the Admiralty, Appendix pt. 2, ed. Sir Travers Twiss, vol. 2, Rolls Series no. 55, London, 1873, pp. lxx, lxxxiii, 19,186-7, 196-7).

2. Nigel Heard, Wool, East Anglia's Golden Fleece, Lavenham (Suffolk), 1970, p. 43.

3. Edward Miller, 'The fortunes of the English textile industry during the thirteenth century,' Economic History Review, 2nd set., 18 (1965), pp. 64-82 (p. 78).

4. E. M. Carus-Wilson, "An Industrial Revolution in the Thirteenth Century," Economic History Review, vol. 11 (1941), rpt. in her Medieval Merchant Venturers: collected studies, 2nd. ed., London, 1967, pp. 183-210; see also, R. H. Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, 1300-1525, Cambridge, 1986. p. 14.

5. A. R. Bridbury, Medieval English Clothmaking, an economic survey, London, 1982, p. 27.

6.Miller, 1965, p. 73.

7.Cf. Miller, 1965, p. 66.

8. E. M. Carus-Wilson, 'The English cloth industry in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries,' Economic History Review, 14 (1944), pp. 32-50, rpt. in her Medieval Merchant Venturers, Collected Studies, 2nd ed., London, 1967, pp.211-38 (p. 238).

9. Carus-WilsoN, 1967, p. 238; see also Gladys A. Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, Cambridge, 1930, p. vii.

10. Miller, 1965, p. 67. A century later, for 1327, he identifies textile occupational names in forty rural and semi-rural places in Suffolk, including such significant cloth-making towns of the fifteenth century as Long Melford, Lavenham, Clare and Kersey.

11. Paul D. A. Harvey has suggested that a survey of occupational names would help clarify what little is known about rural clothmaking in the twelfth century ('The English trade in wool and cloth, 1150-1250: some problems and suggestions,' Produzione, commercio, e consumo die panni di lana, Atti delta seconda settimana di studio 10-16 aprile, 1970, Istituto internazionale di storia economica F. Datini, Florence, 1976, pp. 369-375 [esp. p. 375]).

12. Carus-Wilson, 1967. p. 238.

13. What is known about the textile industry has depended on the availability of source materials and their analysis by historians. Bridbury (1982, pp. 7-8) has pointed out, for example, that although Leicester appears pre-eminent as a cloth-making town, its production was in fact only average. Impressions of the town's importance have derived more from the quality of its records than from the actual extent of its economic activity.

14. British Library Cotton MS Nero E VI, fols. 289-467, ed. by M. Gervers, The Cartulary of The Knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England, Secunda Camera, Essex, British Academy, 1982. Further references to the ms. will be cited as 'BLC', followed in the case of the published secunda camera by page and entry number in the above work, and by folio number for the unpublished prima camera.

15. R. E. C. Kirk, ed., Feet of Fines for Essex, vols. 1-2, Colchester: Essex Archaeological Society, 1899-1928.

16. Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem and Other Analogous Documents Preserved in the Public Record Office, vols. 1-2 (Henry III and 1-19 Edward I), ed. H. C. Maxwell Lyte, London: H.M.S.O., 1904-06.

17. From 1253, and in some cases from 1235, the tenants of ancient demense held the privilege Of 'little Writ Of Tight close', which enabled them to pursue actions, including Final Concords dealing with property transfer, in their manorial courts (The Victoria History of the County of Essex (hereafter VCH Essex), vol. 7 [1978], p. 1, and vol. 8 [1983], p. 178; see also Sir F. Pollock and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law Before the time of Edward 1, 2nd ed., vol. 1, 1898 [rpt. Cambridge, 1969], pp. 383-98]. This demesne included some 30 manors spread over sixteen Hundreds and amounted to more than 150 hides (See VCH Essex, vol. 1 [1903], pp. 428-36 and map facing p. 426). Unfortunately very few of the manorial court rolls on which such concords may have been enrolled have survived from the thirteenth century.

18. P. H. Reaney confirms that forms of the name 'burrel' may refer either to the profession of bureller or to dress or complexion (A Dictionary of British Surnames, 2nd ed., London, 1976). The dates, roles and properties associated with persons bearing this name in our sources allow us to affirm with some confidence that it is indeed an occupational name.

19. The name 'hose' also occurs in the sources, but there is insufficient evidence to conclude that it refers to the occupation of hosier and it has thus not been included.

20. This calcuation is based on the 20 non-witnesses in BLC out of 969 entries (1:49) compared to the 43 in EFF out of 2,720 entries (1:63). Figures are not available for similar comparisons with the Control group.

21. Other places include Aveley (p. 45, 54) which occurs twice in BLC, once in EFF and eight times in the Control group (referring to two people, one of whom occurs in EFF); Barking (p. 39, 46), thrice in EFF and twice in the Control (once referring to an individual in EFF); Helions Bumpstead (p. 45, 58), thrice in BLC, eighteen times in the Control (referring to seven people, including one from BLC); Buttsbury (Appendices), once in EFF, thrice in the Control; Chelmsford (p. 39, 43, 46, 57) and Easter (p. 49), twice in EFF and once in the Control.

22. The number of parishes in Essex by 1300 has been determined by W. R. Powell in "The making of Essex Parishes," The Essex Review, no. 245, vol. 62 (January 1953), pp. 6-17, and ibid., no. 245, vol. 62 (April 1953), pp. 32-41. The records in BLC refer to 142 parishes, or 36% of the total; those in EFF to 372, or 93%.

23. See Gustav Fransson, Middle English surnames of occupation 1100-1350; with an excursus on toponymical surnames, Lund Studies in English, vol. 3, Lund, 1935, pp. 29, 39. Cf. C. N. L. Brooke and M. M. Postan, eds., Carte Nativorum, a Peterborough Abbey cartulary of the fourteenth century, Publications of the Northampton Record Society, vol. 20 (1960), p. xxvii, where reference is made to occupational names used as surnames even in the late thirteenth century.

24. See Part 2, pp. 52-3.

25. See pp. 47-81 for a discussion of linen.

26. It has been argued from archaeological evidence that while the vertical, warp-weighted loom was common to most Anglo-Saxon households, the horizontal loom which succeeded it in the course of the eleventh century certainly was not. The frequent discovery, nevertheless, of spindle whorls has led archaeologists to conclude that thread was spun at home in England in the high middle ages, and that it was taken out to be woven (Helen Clarke, The Archaeology of Medieval England, London, 1984, pp. 132-34; David M. Wilson, ed., The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England, Cambridge, 1976(rpt. 1986), pp. 270-74).

27. In the Domesday of St. Paul's, Randolph textor appears once in 1222 as a tenant in Walton (Tendring Hd.) holding 2.5 acres, and once as an 'akerman' holding 5 acres. Simultaneously, Edward textor holds 15 acres in the adjacent parish of Kirby (William Hale Hale, ed., The Domesday of St. Paul's of the Year 1222, Camden Society, vol. 69 (1858), pp. 45, 50, 52). There can be little doubt that these men derived their living both from weaving and from agriculture.

28. Commercial dyestuffs appear largely to have been imported into England during the middle ages, the indigenous nature of woad notwithstanding (see Louis Francis Salzman, English Industries of the Middle Ages, new ed., London, 1923 [rpt. 1964], p. 208); Carus-Wilson, 1967, pp. 216-22. Archaeological evidence provides little sign of indigenous dyeing in the Anglo-Saxon period (Wilson, 1976, p. 272).

29. We have no evidence of fullers and dyers occurring at the same time and place outside towns or important market centres in the thirteenth century, although such a combination of industrial activity might still occur in a monastic or manorial environment.

30. BLC, p. 205, no. 353; p. 188, no. 315; p. 160, no. 256; p. 240, no. 418; p. 238, no. 414. The sources in the Control group were not checked for professions other than textiles.

31. The name 'parmentarius', which we have included among the tailors, occurs in the Control group in documents attributed generally to the mid- and late-twelfth century (see Appendix 2: "Tailors= Tenant").

32. On the status of rural 'merchants' elsewhere, see Brooke and Postan, 1960, p. xxix, n. 2.

33. The presence, particularly in rural areas, of fullers, tailors and especially weavers, is nevertheless attested in 1222 in the Domesday of St. Paul's (see Appendix 2).

34. Smiths are effectively absent from BLC and EFF in the first quarter of the century; only two individuals with the occupational name 'smith' appear, and only one of these occurs after 1202 (John, smith, in EFF, vol. 1, p. 56, no. 60, dated 1219), In addition, millers are absent from BLC in the first quarter of the century, although they are well represented in EFF.

35. Miller, 1965, p. 69 and n. 3.

36. P. D. A. Harvey, 'The English inflation of 1180-1220,' Past and Present, 61(1973), pp. 3-30 (p. 30).

37. Harvey, 1973, p. 27, but cf. the cautionary remarks expressed by E. Miller and J. Hatcher, Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change, 1086-1348, London, 1985 (1978), pp. 67-68.

38. The increase in prices from around the turn of the thirteenth century may also have encouraged the rural population to rely more on home produced textiles than on a commercial, trade equivalent. Martin Stephenson has determined that sheep flocks on the Winchester estates declined somewhat from c. 1208-16, but then rose sharply to a mid-century high ("Wool yields in the medieval economy," Economic History Review, 2nd series, vol. 41 [1988], pp. 368-91 [esp. p. 757]). A similar decline may have affected the sheep population of Essex, leading to increased wool prices.

39. William Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry and Commerce, 5th ed., Cambridge, 1915, p. 192; Miller, 1965, pp. 66, 76; Bridbury, 1982, p. 5.

40. R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, Penguin, 1970, p. 267.

41. R. H. Britnell, 'Essex markets before 1350,' Essex Archaeology and History, vol. 13 (1981), pp. 15-21 (p. 17).

42. See Part 2, pp. 52-6.

43. T. H. Lloyd, The Movement of Wool Prices in Mediaeval England, Economic History Review, supplement no. 6, 1973, p. 45.

44. The Hospitallers were major investors in the marshlands of southeast Essex in the thirteenth century; see British Library, Cotton MS Nero E VI, prima camera, fols. 103-107 and 185-204, to be published by the author in a forthcoming volume of the British Academy's Records of Social and Economic History series. See also Cunningham, 1915, vol. 1, p. 628; Victoria County History, Essex (hereafter VCH Essex), vol. 2, p. 381; Bridbury, 1982, p. 4. For the fourteenth century see Britnell, 1986, pp. 18, 45. See also p. 46 and n. [100].

45. Britnell, 1986, p. 45.

46. For a linen draper in the early fourteenth century, see Appendix 2: "Drapers= Conveyor."

47. E. M. Carus-Wilson, 1967, p. 231.

48. The quilter in the Control group has been attributed the date "early thirteenth century;" we would propose a date in the second quarter of the century.

49. A chronological comparison with the Control group is unfeasible because of the uncertainty, or lack, of dating among the entries selected for the occurrence of textile workers (25% are undated), and of the mixed nature of the sources used.

50. E. M. Carus-Wilson, 'The woollen industry,' in M. M. Postan and Edward Miller (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 2 (2nd. ed.), Cambridge, 1987, pp. 667-68; Miller, 1965, pp. 74-76.

51. Hilda Grieve, The Sleepers and the Shadows; Chelmsford: a town, its people and its past, vol. 1: The Medeival & Tudor Story, Chelmsford, 1988, pp. 3-5; VCH Essex, vol. 6, p. 59 (concerning Bowbridge over the River Lea on the London Road).

52. Carus-Wilson sees twelfth- and thirteenth-century Colchester as a supplier of cloth to London for export (1967, pp. 197-8).

53. Charles Verlinden, 'Marchands ou tisserands? A propos des origines urbaines,' Annales Economies, Societes, Civilisations, 27(1972), pp. 396-406 (p. 406); see also T. H. Lloyd, The English Wool Trade in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, 1977, p. 4.

54. See pp. 44-7.

55.Entry into the active roles is discussed below in Part 2.

56. See p. 46-7.

57. E. Lipson, The History of the Woollen and Worsted Industries, London, 1921 (1965), pp. 10-11; Miller, 1965, pp. 70-71, 77; Andrew Woodger, 'The Eclipse of the Burel Weaver: Some Technological Developments in the Thirteenth Century,' Textile History, vol. 12 (1981), p. 59 and n. 2; R. van Uytven, 'The Fulling Mill: Dynamic of the Revolution in industrial Attitudes,' Acta Historiae Neerlandica, 5 (1971), pp. 1-14 (esp. p. 2); Miller and Hatcher, 1985, p. 83.

58. M. J. Stephenson, "Wool yields in the medieval economy," Economic History Review, 2nd series, vol. 41 (1988), pp. 368-91(p. 376).

59. Bridbury, 1982, p. 9. Carus-Wilson argued that urban decline in the industry was not only countered, but caused, by rural expansion (1967, pp. 208-09).

60. Richard of Bergholt, described as a draper of Colchester c. 1275 (Gervers, 1982, p. 154, no. 248), occurs as late as 1290, when he is referred to more generally as 'merchant' (Gervers, 1982, p. 152, no. 245). Richard and William, drapers, witness a charter from Great Dunmow in 1297 (Appendix 2).

61. The Control group includes a Richard dyer at Witham in 1294 and a Robert le folour at Buttsbury c. 1290.

62. If the numbers of drapers dwindle it is presumably because they found little profit in dealing with the cheap imports, which may have been handled by general merchants and/or by tailors.

63. Britnell, 1986, p. 45, 79, 85; Carus-Wilson, 1987, pp. 679-80, 684; Heard, 1970, pp. 54, 68; Lipson, 1921 (1965), p. 230; Eileen Power, Medieval People, 1924 (Methuen, 1966), p. 154; VCH Essex, vol. 2, London, 1907, p. 381. In an unpublished ms. L. R. Poos cites in addition activity in Writtle (1401), Hatfield Broad Oak (1384; see also p. 45-6, no. 158, and Chelmsford (1467/8). He further lists 28 parishes where fulling mills are known to have existed from the late thirteenth to the sixteenth century.

64. The total number of individuals from all sources is uncertain due to similarities in some names. At least eight, and possibly as many as fifteen of those appearing in BLC/EFF also occur in the Control group.

65. The area is situated between the River Stour along the Suffolk border to the north and the River Blackwater to the south, the North Sea to the east and south-east and Chelmsford and Hinckford Hundreds to the west. There is no evidence that this five-Hundred grouping had its origin in early administrative organization (see Helen M. Cam, "Early Groups of Hundreds," in her Liberties and Communities in Medieval England, London, 1963, pp. 91-106.

66. The exceptions include a weaver and a fuller at Coggeshall c. 1225, four weavers and a fuller documented by the Domesday of St. Paul's in Tendring Hd. in 1222, a tailor in Thurstable Hd. the same year, a tailor and a fuller at Dedham in 1240, and a tailor at Wakes Colne c. 1250 (?). Coggeshall and Dedham were to develop into important cloth-making centres (see p. 34, 38, 40-1 and pp. 43-9).

67. Miller, 1965, pp. 74, 77.

68. BLC, p. 6, no. 10. The market in Witham was ancient, dating at least to the foundation of a burh there by Edward the Elder, purportedly in 912 (M. R. Petchey,'The archaeology of medieval Essex towns', in Archaeology in Essex to AD 1500, ed. D. G. Buckley, Council for British Archaeology Research Report 34, London, 1980, pp. 113-117 [p. 113]; M. W. Beresford and H. P. R. Finberg, English Medieval Boroughs, a hand-list, Totowa, N. J., 1973, p. 111).

69. Beresford and Finberg, 1973, pp. 109-110.

70. There was a wool fair too at St. Osyth by 1310: Britnell, 1986, p. 45 and n. 48. Britnell also cites the foundation of a market at Elmstead, the only new market to be created within an eight mile radius of Colchester in the thirteenth century (Britnell, 1986, pp. 12-13, from Cal. Chart. Rolls, vol. 1, p. 429).

71. EFF, vol. 2, p. 54, no. 353, and Essex Record Office (E.R.O.), D/DPo T62.

72. Bridbury, 1982, p. 27. See also Carus-Wilson, 1967, p. 207.

73. The league had a maximum length of about three miles.

74. Bridbury, 1982, p. 31.

75. Entries in the Colchester Cartulary, for example, show no evidence whatsoever of textile workers outside the town in the thirteenth century. On the contrary, their tenements are clearly described as lying within, or just outside, the walls of the town itself (S. A. Moore, ed., Cartularium Monasterii Sancti Johannis Baptiste de Colecestria, vol. 2, Roxburghe Club, 1897, pp. 311, 331).

76. George Rickword, 'Taxations of Colchester, A.D. 1296 and 1301,' Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, 9 (1903), pp. 126-155 (p. 133). Rickword suggests as much for the taxation of 1301 also, although the organization of the rolls makes it more difficult to distinguiish between the inhabitants of the town and of the outlying hamlets.

77. Beresford and Finberg, 1973, pp. 109, 111; M. R. Petchey, 1980, p. 113.

78. The parishes are Bures, Pebmarsh, Salinges and Toppesfield.

79. The Victoria History of the County of Suffolk, vol. 1, ed. William Page, London 1911 (rpt. 1975), p. 426 (Domesday ref. to burgesses and a market at Sudbury); Heard, 1970, p.26; Britnell, 1986, p. 22. For the later middle ages, see J. Thirsk, "Industries in the Countryside," in Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor and Stewart England in Honour of R. H. Tawney, ed. F. J. Fisher, Cambridge, 1961, pp. 70-88 (p. 75).

80. Sudbury's connections with the adjacent Essex parish of Henny and the more centrally located parish of Hedingham in Hinckford Hd. are apparent from the Domesday survey (H. C. Darby, The Domesday Geography of Eastern England, Cambridge, 1952, p. 253).

81. BLC, p. 164, no. 262.

82. BLC, p. 40, no. 67. Hubert's status cannot have been very elevated, however, as Isabel was a bondwoman.

83. BLC, p. 325, no. 573.

84. BLC, p. 350, no. 618.

85. Similar evidence is available for Colchester (Colchester Cartulary, vol. 2, 1897, p. 331) and possibly for Havering/ Romford (H. F. Westlake, ed., Hornchurch Priory, A Kalendar of Documents in the Possession of the Warden and Fellows of New College Oxford, London, 1923 [hereafter: Hornchurch], no. 329), where fullers and dyers are associated. Although they may not have led to the establishment of industrial areas, freehold messuages seem to have been available for artisans at points west of Colchester in the early fourteenth century (R. H. Britnell, 1986, p. 12; and Britnell, 'Burghal characteristics of market towns in medieval England,' Durham University Journal, new set., 42 [1981], pp. 147-49).

86. Halstead had a market by 1250 (Wendy Walker, Essex Markets and Fairs, Essex Record Office publ. no. 83, Chelmsford, 1981, pp. 6-7; see also EFF, vol. 1, p. 205, no. 1198).

87. Higher quality dyed cloths called bluett and persetum are documented as having been acquired at Clare in 1284 (J. E. Thorold Rogers, A History of Agriculture and Prices in England, vol. 1 (1259-1400), Oxford, 1866, pp. 576-77).

88. See pp. 46-7.

89. The Sudbury market was ancient, dating from before Domesday (Beresford and Finberg, 1973, p. 167). A marketplace is referred to at Haverhill in the second quarter of the twelfth century (evidence from the Castle Acre cartulary provided in a personal communication from C. Harper-Bill).

90. See p. 34.

91. Petchey, 1980, p. 116; Grieve, 1988, pp. 7-18.

92. Our sources provide one fuller and two dyers; the additional fullers are indicated by Marjorie McIntosh (Autonomy and community: the royal manor of Havering 1200-1500, Cambridge, 1986, p. 286), who claims to have used "all surviving Havering records" to compile her figures. She lists a maximum of twelve textile workers for the period 1250-99 (three weavers, three fullers, one or two dyers, one or two tailors, a chaloner and a draper), the highest number recorded for any half century from 1200 to 1499. This concentration may have been due to the foundation of a market at Romford in 1247 (ibid., p. 40), but if so the activity was relatively short lived. What was produced is thought to have been consumed locally (ibid., p. 155).

93. Freshwell is grouped here with Hinckford Hd. as in only two of its parishes do textile occupational names occur: at Helions Bumpstead and Great Bardfield. We have suggested above that Helions Bumpstead belongs to the Haverhill-Sudbury-Halstead triangle; only tailors are associated with Great Bardfield, all of them apparently occurring in the twelfth century (Appendix 2: " Tailors= Tenant/ Witness").

94. Petchey, 1980, p. 114, fig. 44; Beresford and Finberg, 1973, pp. 108-109.

95. See below, n. 158.

96. Bridbury, 1982, pp. 106-7; Britnell, 1986, pp. 56, 58, 60-62; Carus-Wilson, 1944, p. 33; Miller, 1965, p. 70.

97. Britnell, 1986, p. 60; Salzman, 1923, pp. 201, 242.

98. Heard, 1970, pp. 15, 76.

99. Bridbury, 1982, p. 22; Britnell, 1986, pp, 60-62; Heard, 1970, pp. 15,76.

100. On sheep farming on the Essex marshes, see J. H. Round in VCH Essex, vol. 1 (1903), pp. 369-74; Britnell, 1986, pp. 18,45; H. C. Darby, The Domesday Geography of England, Cambridge, 1952, pp. 241-45, 257-58; Heard, 1970, p. 38; pp. 38 & n. 44.

101. Eileen Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History, Oxford, 1941, p. 21.

102. Woodger, 1981, pp. 65-66.

103. Ch. Verlinden sees an important development of the Flemish loom taking place c. 1080 (Verlinden, 1972, p. 400).

104. Woodger, 1981, pp. 59-76.

105. Cf. also Henry 'telarius' (Appendix 2: "Weavers= Tenant").

106. Above, p. 45.

107. Unemployment leading to poverty may have caused Peter the tailor, son of Nicholas of Halstead, to commit larceny, for which he was sentenced by chief justice Hugh Bigod at Chelmsford in 1259/60 and hanged (BLC, p. 379, no. 663).

108. It might be argued that because of the general need for clothing among all ranks of society the services of the tailor, like the shoemaker and the cobbler, would be in high demand. In the EFF/BLC sample used here, however, there are nearly five times as many tailors as shoemakers and cobblers (figures for industries other than textiles are not available from the sources searched for the Control group). Furthermore, it should not be overlooked that most garments worn by the peasantry would in all probability have been straight-cut, a process which does not necessarily require a tailor's expertise.

109. The one exception is Robert the draper, who witnesses a charter pertaining to Toppesfield c. 1260-74 (BLC, p. 14, no. 22).

110. Only in Helions Bumpstead in the second half of the thirteenth century do they occur together fairly consistently.

111. BL Cotton MS Nero E VI, fo. 103.

112. Woodger, 1981, p. 66.

113. EFF, vol. 1, p. 134, no. 717; C. Harper-Bill and R. Mortimer, eds., Stoke by Clare Cartulary (BL Cotton Appx. xxi), pt. 2, Suffolk Records Society, Suffolk Charters, vol., 5 (1983), no. 234.

114. Thornton, 1930, p. 172.

115. Woodger, 1981, p. 67.

116. See p. 34, n. 1.

117. Blanket and chalon were distinguished as cloth types at least as early as 1303, when they are listed as coverings in sequence: 'de uno blaunketo, tribus cuverlys, duobus chalone et uno canevaz pretii xI s.' (W. H. Hale and H. T. Ellacombe, eds., Account of the executors of Richard Bishop of London, 1303 and of the executors of Thomas Bishop of Exeter, 1310, Camden Society, n.s., 10 (1874), p. 57).

118. Salzman, 1923, p. 242; his reference is the 'Enr. Ward. Accts., 4, m.3.' Blanket was also being produced in Colchester in 1376 (Britnell, 1986, p. 54).

119. Only a Peter burell occurs after c. 1250, at Havering c. 1280? (Appendix 2: "Burellers= Witness").

120. The professions of skinner and tanner, like those of weaver and tailor, begin to appear in the record in the last decades of the twelfth century. The DEEDS database contains about one-third as many references to members of the leather trade from c. 1185 to c. 1300 as to textile workers.

121. Rogers, p. 568. Rogers notes when listing prices for hemp and flax, that he had only found one occurrence of a flax sale (in 1305) compared with 24 for hemp (vol. 2 [1259-1400], Oxford, 1866, p. 398). This paucity of recorded flax sales suggests widespread cultivation for domestic purposes and points to the domestic manufacture of linen.

122. Rogers (vol. 1, 1866, pp. 572-79) calculates that the average price of linen from the late thirteenth to the mid-fourteenth century was 4d an ell, the cheapest being 2d. Compared to the cheapest woollen cloth at 8d-11d a yard for burels and russets (Calendar of the Liberate Rolls, vol. I [ 1226-401], pp. 159, 215, 319, and vol. 4 [1251-60], p. 280. In the last example, the price of just over 10 1/2d an ell for 518 ells included carriage from Colchester to London [I am grateful to E. Miller for these references]) and Is a yard (for blanket, undyed), and assuming a similar quantity of material, linen would have been from half to five-sixths cheaper than wool. Rogers considers even 4d the ell to be expensive, although it "did not by any means put its use out of reach of the mass of the people" (p. 573). A modest woman's shift required 2 1/2 ells of linen (p. 572); while 13/4 yards of wool were sufficient for a servant's garment (pp. 578-79). According to Miller and Hatcher (1985, p. 163), a "simple smock" made of russet costing Is to Is 6d a yard could be worth up to four months earnings. The calculation seems high unless other living expenses for the period are taken into consideration. On woollen cloth production costs see T. H. Lloyd, "Some Costs of Cloth Manufacturing in Thirteenth-Century England," Textile History, 1 (1968-70), pp. 33-36 (p. 34).

123. Sir Harry Godwin, History of the British Flora, A factual Basis for Phytogeography, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1975, pp. 167, 243, 478; Harry Godwin, "The Ancient Cultivation of Hemp," Antiquity, vol. 41 (1967), pp. 42-9 (p. 46). See also Nesta Evans, The East Anglian Linen Industry, Rural Industry and Local Economy, 1500-1850, Aldershot, 1985, pp. 12, 14; Heard, 1970, p. 18.

124. Godwin, 1967, p. 46; Wilson, 1986, pp. 270-74.

125. Power, 1941, p. 59.

126. The passage reads, in translation, "We desire to thank the Englishmen who have come here, bringing wheat and honey, flour and cloth. We desire also to thank those [my italics] who have brought here linen or flax, wax or cauldrons" (The Saga of King Sverri of Norway, trans. J. Sephton, London, 1899, p. 129. See also Gustav Indrebo, ed., Sverris saga etter Cod. AM 327 4 Kristiania, 1920 [rpt. Oslo, 1981], p. 110, para. 104). Power's citation is "We desire to thank the Englishmen [my italics] who have brought hither linen and flax, wax and cauldrons."

127. On linen and wool in Flanders at this period, see M. Postan, "The Trade of Medieval Europe: the North," ch. 4 in M. Postan and Edward Miller, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 2 (2nd ed.), Cambridge, 1987, pp. 175-76.

128. Carus-Wilson, 1944, pp. 32-4; Carus-Wilson, 1987, pp. 627-28; Evans, 1985, p. 41; Harvey, 1973, pp. 27-8; Miller, 1965, p. 68.

129. Britnell, 1986, pp. 64, 174.

130. W. R. Gowers, "The Cultivation of Flax and Hemp in Suffolk in the 14th Century, as shown in the Inquisitiones Nonarum (1342)," East Anglian; or, Notes and Queries, vol. 5 (1893/4), pp. 180-83,200-202; Evans, 1985, pp. 43-4; Godwin, 1967, pp. 42-9.

131. Gowers, 1893/4, p. 181.

132. Miller and Hatcher, 1985, p. 88; Gowers, 1893/4, p. 202.

133. The association of these names with hemp is not without doubt. P. H. Reaney (The Place-Names of Essex, English Place-Name Society, ed. A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, vol. 12 [1935], hereafter EPN) supports the attribution for Hempstead, but provides other alternatives (p. 511) which are preferred by E. Ekwall (The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Place-Names, 4th ed., Oxford, 1960, p. 233). Reaney (p. 446) does not pronounce on Impnells, but the thirteenth-century form Hempenhille is strongly suggestive of a derivation from the Old English for hemp: 'henep' (Reaney, p. 511 and Ekwall, pp.233-34). For Hempstall, see Reaney, p. 357.

134. W. C. Waller, "List of Essex Field Names," Essex Archaeological Society, Transactions, n.s., vol. 5 (1895), p. 158; vol. 7 (1900), pp. 75, 301; vol. 8 (1903), p. 93 and vol. 9 (1906), pp. 79, 80, 82, 164. See also Evans, 1985, p. 18; J. Field, English Field Names, Newton Abbot, 1977, p. 126.

135. VCH Essex, vol. 2 (1907), p. 422 and note H.

136. Fines were often levied by manorial lords against those who polluted running water by retting hemp (Evans, 1985, p. 45). See also Miller and Hatcher, 1985, pp. 115, 137.

137. Stoke by Clare Cartulary, pt. 2 (1983), p. 265, no. 394.

138. EFF, vol. 1, p. 137, no. 727.

139. Colchester Cartulary, vol. 1, 1897, pp. 291, 411.

140. F. Pritchard, "Textiles from Recent Excavations in the City of London," Textilsymposium Neumünster archäologische Textilfunde (1981), Neumünster, 1982, pp. 193-208 (p. 193); IT Clarke, The Archaeology of Medieval England, London, 1984, p. 136.

141. Salzman, 1923, p. 239; Wilson, 1976, p. 271.

142. Linen markets are documented at Norwich in 1272 (Salzman, 1923, p. 239), as at Kersey (nr. Hadleigh, Suffolk) in 1398/9 (Britnell, 1986, p. 82),

143. Evans, 1985, pp. 2, 27-8, 41; H. D. Traill and J. S. Mann, eds., Social England, A Record of the Progress of the People, illustrated ed., vol. 1, London, 1901, pp. 657-58.

144. Miller and Hatcher, 1985, pp. 159, 163.

145. The list of thirty-one mills derives from an as yet unpublished manuscript by L. R. Poos.

146. BLC, p. 385, no. 673.

147. P.R.O. C133.47.8, as cited by Britnell, 1986, p. 14 and n. 37.

148. BLC, p. 52, no. 83.

149. Britnell, 1986, p. 14 and n. 37.

150. EFF, vol. 2, p. 68, no. 45.

151. On the double use of, or conversion of, grinding mills for fulling, see VCH Essex, vol. 2, 1907, pp. 381, 385; Britnell, 1986, p. 76.

152. It has been argued that the water powered fulling mill may have been introduced to England by the Templars in the twelfth century (Carus-Wilson, 1967, pp. 189-90). The supposition is based in part on the association of a mill in the Templar survey of 1185 (B. A. Lees, ed., Records of the Templars in England in the Twelfth Century: the Inquest of 1185, London: British Academy, 1935, pp. lxxix, 5) with that of a derelict fulling mill mentioned in an extent of Templar holdings at Witham in 1309 (BLC, p. 52, no. 83). While it is possible that the mill(s) in question occupied the same site, it is most unlikely in view of what is known about the developing rural textile industry in Essex that the mill standing in Witham in 1185 was used for fulling. Had it been a manorial mill, would it have taken the urban, semi-urban and even rural lay textile industry a century and more to catch up? More recently, van Uytven (1971, p. 1) has suggested that the fulling mill had been introduced to the woollen industry of France, Northern Italy and England by "the end of the tenth and in the eleventh century."

153. Bridbury, 1982, p. 22; but see also Woodger (1981, p. 69), who indicates that not all chalons were fulled.

154. Carus-Wilson, 1967, p. 188.

155. In the thirteenth century, the capital needed to build a fulling mill would most probably have come from a lay or ecclesiastical landlord, a town corporation, or the king (Carus-Wilson, 1967, pp. 192, 196-201; Carus-Wilson, 1987, pp. 670-71; Heard, 1970, p. 76). The amount of profit available to the fuller would have depended on individual arrangement with the landlord.

156. EFF, vol. 2, p. 54, no. 353.

157. This explanation might suit the case of Ordgar the fuller, who does customary service for the Abbey of Holy Trinity, Caen, at Felstead (Hinckford Hd.) in 1223/4 (Marjorie Chibnall, Charters and Custumals of the Abbey of Holy Trinity Caen, London, The British Academy, 1982, p. 97). His appearance in Hinckford Hd., but outside the Haverhill-Sudbury-Halstead triangle, further suggests that his fulling was not associated with the new semi-rural industry, but rather with the rural economy of the manor from which he came. See also the contemporary fuller, Hemming, at Thorp in Tendring Hd. (Appendix 2: "Fullers= Tenant"). For a discussion of industry as an outgrowth of underemployment in an agricultural area, see J. Thirsk, 1961, pp.70,76,84-88.

158. The fullers who begin to appear in Hatfield Broad Oak (Harlow Hd., designated above as part of the "Western Horseshoe") c. 1270 may similarly belong to the new industry which would grow in the fourteenth century (see VCH Essex, vol. 8 [1983], p. 175 and above n. [63]). It is probable that any textile manufacturing in Hatfield Broad Oak was stimulated by the nearby centres of Bishops Stortford and Sawbridgeworth in Herts., and by its location between the Rivers Stort and Roding which flow into the Thames. The town never appears, however, to have become an important centre of textile production, probably in part because the town centre did not lie directly on Stainstreet, the major commercial route running between Colchester and Bishops Stortford (see VCH Essex, vol. 8, p. 159).

159. References to the many weavers, tailors and a fuller in the Domesday of St. Paul's are excluded as the source provides evidence of no role but tenant.

160. The charter in which Robert the quilter conveys 12d rent in Clare (Suffolk) has been attributed to the early thirteenth century (Stoke by Clare Cartulary, pt. 2, no. 234). In view of what is otherwise known about the industry, a date in the second quarter of the century would seem more appropriate.

161. Because the napper, and stitcher do not occur in active roles, these occupations are excluded from Table 4.

162. Use of the charter as evidence in the process of conveyancing spread from freehold to copyhold land during the course of the thirteenth century, thus drawing a growing number of people from the lower classes into the property exchange record. It may well be, therefore, that the appearance of such occupations as weaver and fuller in the active roles has more to do with improved record keeping than with the improved economic and social standing of members of these professions. The distinction is not of great importance in the present discussion as the result in distinguishing relative economic status among members of the textile trade as a whole remains the same.

163. Under Profession, 'Merchants' include burellers, chaloners, and drapers; 'Hatters' include coif, hat and hood makers. The occupations of napper, quilter and stitcher, which occur infrequently in the sources and which cannot be grouped with any certainty with another occupation, are not included. Active Roles represent the total number of properties conveyed and or received, rather than the number of transactions recorded for a given profession. Active Roles divided by Inactive Roles produce the Maximum Activity Ratio. The Merchants' ratio of 1.7, divided by the ratio of any other profession, produces the Ratio Relative to Merchants (calculated to the nearest tenth).

164. The proportion of professions in the BLC/EFF sample and in the randomly picked Control group is very similar: merchants 19 vs. 15; tailors 32 each; dyers 7 vs. 6; weavers 13 vs. 16; hatters 6 vs. 5; fullers 10 vs. 17.

165. Burellers and chaloners have been combined with drapers in this calculation because their numbers are relatively small while their roles, and the property types and quantities they held are recognizably similar to those of the drapers.

166. Towns associated in the sample with textile workers are: Barking, Brentwood, Chelmsford, Coggeshall, Colchester, Great Dunmow, Epping, Halstead, Hatfield Broad Oak, Horndon, Maldon, Rayleigh, Romford, Saffron Walden, Waltham Holy Cross, Witham and Writtle (those in Bardfield appear before burghal status was granted). R. H. Britnell (1981, p. 17) accounts for the foundation of 78 markets in the county by this period, but Beresford and Finberg (1973, p. 36 and n. 32) claim that only fifteen had burghal status. Petchey (1980, p. 114, fig. 44) lists 24 towns and 43 rural markets. According to Morant there were 25 market towns, including Colchester, in the middle of the eighteenth century (P. Morant, The History and Antiquities of the County of Essex, London, 1768 [rpt. in East Ardsley, Wakefield, 1978], vol. 1, p. xvii). Excluding rural markets, the towns listed by these authorities are largely similar and together provide a total of 33 different places.

167. The napper, stitcher and quilters have been left out of these charts because the napper only occurs as a witness and the two others are associated respectively with only one and two pieces of property each.

168. Uncertainty over the town, suburban or rural location of terra makes it difficult to determine what constituted a maximum holding within the confines of a town. A piece of land with a house on it in Colchester is described as being 34 feet wide (BLC, p. 151, no. 243). A messuage in Halstead went with 1.5 acres (BLC, p. 378, no. 663), but a two-acre holding in Waltham Holy Cross was almost certainly arable (BLC, p. 227, no. 396). Within the sources selected 23 pieces of land (as opposed to meadow, pasture etc.) are transferred in town parishes. Eighteen of these are of 3.5 acres or less, and the rest between seven and fifteen acres. It is probable that the latter at least were located in the rural parts of the parishes concerned.

169. Rural weavers and fullers clearly derived a greater proportion of their livelihood from agriculture than did their urban counterparts. The Domesday of St. Paul's shows Randolph textor 'akerman' holding 5 acres in Walton, Edward textor holding 15 acres in Kirby and Hemmo fullo holding 15 acres in Thorp (Appendix 2). The most held by a town weaver is 3 roods (.75 acre), while fullers are nowhere shown holding urban 'terra.'

170. On the generally superior status of dyers over the other manufacturing trades, see Carus-Wilson, 1987, pp. 645-46; Carus-Wilson, 1967, pp. 223-25, 236-37; and Heard, 1970, p. 65.

171. In one case, Thomas, dyer of Chelmsford, conveys six acres of land in Roxwell. Because of the size of the plot, and because it lay two parishes distant from his place of work, it might have been held as investment property. Such considerations support the belief that the dyers were the most prosperous of the manufacturing tradesmen.

172. Bridbury, 1982, pp. 5-6; Carus-Wilson, 1987, pp. 645-46; CarusWilson, 1967, pp. 223-25, 233-37; Heard, 1970, p. 65; Miller, 1965, pp. 68, 73; Salzman, 1923, pp. 196, 199, 226-27.

173. BLC, p. 190, no. 320.

174. This bridge, while promoting trade, attracted drapers and, on one occasion, a dyer.

175. BLC, p. 155, no. 249.

176. Part 1, p. 40.

177. BLC, p. 152, no. 245.

178. The continuous presence of drapers John and Richard at Bumpstead Helion in the second half of the thirteenth century points to the growing success of the Stour Valley textile industry and of Haverhill as a market.

179. Chaloners hold properties in Colchester and Horndon, and in Bobbingworth adjacent to Chipping Ongar, Bulmer to Sudbury, Good Easter to Pleshey and Gestingthorpe (equidistant between Sudbury and Halstead) to Castle Hedingham. Another place Leyton, is situated on the River Lee, separated from the Thames and London by the parish of West Ham, and the last at Aveley (Chafford Hd.) on the Thames.

180. In 1259, Thomas the chaloner conveys 37 acres of land in Bobbingworth and Leyton. Because there is no indication of how the acres were distributed between these two parishes, half the amount has been attributed to each in the data file (see Appendix 1).

181. The towns in which tailors are cited are Brentwood, Clare (Suffolk), Colchester, Epping, Halstead, Hatfield Broad Oak, Maldon, Romford and Saffron Walden. They occur as tenants in one or more of the Bardfields in the twelfth century, probably well before Great Bardfield obtained urban status.

182. One of the three associated with Colchester, called Peter, acts also as an agent for a transaction in Bromley (Tendring Hundred), but is not himself engaged in a tenurial role. The others, widely dispersed in the "North-East Quarter," all occur as tenants: John at Heybridge in 1222; Osbert at Dedham c. 1240; and Silvester at Wakes Colne, c. 1250.

183. Part 1, pp. 39, 40, 44-7. In contrast, Britnell (1986, p. 13) indicates that Colchester russet was tailored elsewhere in England.

184. Two royal tailors are included in our lists: Roger de Ros and German. It is also within the realm of possibility that some members of this second group may have been tailors by surname only and who belonged to families whose economic status enabled them to control such things as advowsons.

185. The only other person to appear as an agent is Geoffrey the bureller, acting on behalf of his wife (Close Rolls [1227-1231], London, 1902, p. 578).

186. In comparison, the use of agents to help build estates on behalf of a religious house occurs in Essex in the thirteenth century. See Gervers, 1982, pp. xl-xliv.

187. EFF, vol. 1: p. 70, no. 134/p. 73, no. 18 and p. 73, no. 24, p. 171, no. 965 and p. 193, no. 1105.

188. EFF, vol. 2, p. 10, no. 53, and Calendar of Inquiisitions Post Mortern, vol. 2 (Edward 1, years 1-19), ed. H. C. Maxwell Lyte, London, 1906, pp. 276-77, no. 464.

189. The increase in property types held may to some extent also be a reflection of the growing number of written instruments recording conveyances which were being produced, and of course of their survival; cf. Edward Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely, Cambridge, 1951, p. 150.

190. CIR, vol. 2, p. 220.

191. For the extent of a dyer's tenement in Colchester in the fourteenth century, see Britnell, 1986, p. 11.

192. Lambourne also witnesses the presence of drapers from 1235 to 1250. The appearance of these otherwise town-centred occupations in the rural scene points to the special situation of Lambourne, due at least to the fact that it was the site of a bridge across the River Roding at Abridge.

193. Roger of Hovedon, Chronica, vol. 4, ed. William Stubbs, Rolls Series: London, 187 1, pp. 33-4 (cited by Carus-Wilson, 1967, pp. 227-28). See also p. 34, 38.

194. Carus-Wilson, 1987, p. 627.

195. Carus-Wilson, 1967, p. 227.

196. This propensity may be due more to the desire for the greater security provided by royal enrolment than to the real value of the transfer. In comparison, the burellers present an even higher appearance ratio of 100% in the active roles in the royal records, while the tailors occur at 88%, the chaloners at 60% and the drapers at 47%. The other professions occur only once in the EFF, or not at all, rendering calculations unfeasible.

197. Heard (1970, p. 90), reports that much Essex cloth was exported for finishing in the Low Countries. The statement is, however, uncorroborated.

198. Carus-Wilson, 1986, pp. 221-23, 227-28; Heard, 1970, p. 76.

199. The occupational name theleonarius, translated by R. E. G. Kirk (EFF, vol. 1, p. 64) as 'Tollman,' may also refer to a weaver; see Ronald E. Latham, ed., Revised Medieval Latin Word-List from British and Irish Sources, British Academy, 1983 (1965), under tel/a and telo. The three persons (one man and two women) bearing the name tele at Dedham in 1240, and mentioned as tenants in the same document as Robert the fuller and Osbert the tailor, may also have been weavers (of burel).

200. See Appendix 2. Also, in 1235, an Arnewey, son of Robert the weaver, quitclaims two parcels of land in Aveley of 3 and 4 acres each. Whether Robert held the same, however, cannot be determined (EFF, vol. 1, p. 100, no. 372).

201. The annual rental of this same messuage by 1272 was 36d (BLC, p. 155, no. 249).

202. Cf. Carus-Wilson, 1967, pp. 233-37; Miller, 1965, p. 68.

203. Richard coifer owed 10d rent in the town parish of Haverhill (Suffolk). The nature of the property is not specified, but it would seem from the context to imply a tenement. Of six tenants mentioned in the document, Richard paid the lowest rent. A locksmith paid 14d and a brewer 20d (BLC, p. 260, no. 459). In further comparison, William caperun, domiciled two parishes south of Haverhill in the rural parish of Steeple Bumpstead, paid 4d rent for his messuage. The evidence is slim, but if the tenants' total rents are described, and if a relative equality can be posited between the coifer and the caperun, then one might propose that a townsman in the trade paid something like two and a half times as much for his holding as did his rural counterpart. Such economic distinctions would surely have determined, in part, whether a hatter were to live in a town or close to one.

204. The one rural fuller to appear in the Domesday of St. Paul's (1222) is recorded as holding fifteen acres. Like the weaver from the same source who holds as much in a neighbouring parish, he clearly gained part of his livelihood, if only a small one, from agriculture (cf. McIntosh, 1986, p. 152).

205. With dyers: BLC, pp. 325 no. 573, 350 no. 618, 385 no. 673; Colchester Cartulary, vol. 2, p. 331; Hornchurch Register, no. 329; with hatters: BLC, p. 326 no. 574; with tailors: BLC, p. 361 no. 636, and EFF, vol. 1, p. 137 no. 727; with weavers: E.R.O. D/ Du 564/1; Domesday of St. Paul's, p. 42. Hats could not be fulled by machine (Salzman, 1923, p. 223); according to Carus-Wilson (1967, p. 187), the fulling of hats and caps with hand-wielded clubs was still carried on in France in the eighteenth century. On the need for cooperation between fullers and dyers, see CarusWilson, 1987, p. 627.

206. On their questionable land-holding status, see Carus-Wilson, 1967, p. 236 and n. 3. As employees, see ibid., pp. 233-38; Miller, 1965, p. 68.

207. On foot-fulling, see Carus-Wilson, 1987, p. 638; see also Pritchard, 1982, p. 199.

208. EFF, vol. 3, p. 57, no. 548; p. 112, no. 1090; p. 148, no. 1488; p. 187, no. 36; p. 210, no. 279.

209. See Britnell, 1986, p. 77. Rickwood (1903, p. 151) identified Gilbert Agote, "the richest of those connected with the woollen trade" in Colchester in 1301, as a fuller, but his economic status would indicate that he was anything but.